Caithness and Johanna Magdalena aka Prince William Henry

Fleet of East Indiamen at Sea by Nicholas Pocock

Captain Woodriff’s log of HMS Calcutta reveals that the six British seamen (including James Caithness) had been on the ship Johanna Magdalena prior to joining the Calcutta’s complement at Simon’s Bay in August 1803.

Johanna Magdalena is a commonly-found pairing of Dutch forenames and implies the ship was of that nationality, but the matter is not plain-sailing. This vessel had previously been the Prince William Henry, a British-built East Indiaman of 808 tons from Barnard’s yard - premier supplier to the Hon. East India Company. Launched in 1787, she plied the England to India route via the Cape of Good Hope, calling at St Helena or Madeira, her main destinations being Madras and Bombay. 

Bombay, Fort St George

In February 1797 she was captained by Roger Baskett: when he married in 1804 he is mentioned in newspaper announcements as ‘late of the Prince William Henry East Indiaman’. Lloyd’s Register for 1803 reveals that in that year her captain was Dale, and she continues to be listed similarly in 1804 and 1805. Yet she was known as the Johanna Magdalena in August 1803, according to Woodriff’s log.

As Prince William Henry she is shown in Lloyd's Register 1803 with the following description (see third ship on the list):

1803 Lloyd’s Register: Prince William Henry, Ship, s.W and C = Sheathed with Copper over Boards, Captain Dale, 808 tons 3 Ds = 3 decks, River = built on the Thames, sev. rprs = several repairs, 16 = feet of draught of water when loaded, Lo. = port of survey London, destination port India, class E I =2nd class, materials of vessel 1st quality.

A reference in the London Star of 10 Aug 1803 states ‘At Batavia, Johanna Magdalena, Dale, from Amsterdam.'  This ship was suffering from an identity crisis.

The clue is in the word ‘Batavia’ - i.e. the eastern HQ of the Dutch East India Company.

It is a reminder that in August 1803 the Cape had recently been brought under the rule of the Batavian Republic (the Netherlands) and would remain so until 1806. Events should be seen against that background. When HMS Calcutta arrived at Simon's Bay Knopwood noted that they found ships there flying Dutch colours. The Dutch were French allies.* Whether the Prince William Henry was purchased or captured from the British, followed by a change of name, she apparently retained her captain, Dale.

By April 1804, Lloyd’s List reports the Johanna Magdalena of Batavia, still under Dale’s command, is ‘condemned at the Cape of Good Hope’.

So far it’s not possible to determine precisely when James Caithness joined the Johanna Magdalena – or if she was at that stage known as the Prince William Henry. Further searching in musters may show his date of discharge from his earlier ship, HMS Mars, and clarify the situation.

Batavia by John Wells

* Read more about this confusing period of history at

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/William_I_of_the_Netherlands#cite_note-Bas2-7 

Acknowledgement:

Tom Sheldon

Caithness and Woodriff at Simon's Bay 1803

Daniel Woodriff, born in 1756, went to sea at the age of six as servant to master gunner George Woodriff, his uncle. In December 1767 he was admitted to the Royal Hospital School Greenwich and later apprenticed to a merchant captain in the Jamaica trade. In 1778 Woodriff was pressed into the navy, and by 1782 was promoted lieutenant. After eleven years on the American Station and in the West Indies he returned to England. He made his first trip to Australia in 1792 in the ship Kitty, with supplies and convicts, and reported on Port Jackson’s naval defences. He was promoted commander and 1803 saw him once again bound for Australia: he had been appointed to command HMS Calcutta on Daniel Collins’s expedition to found a British settlement in the Bass Strait.

Page from Woodriff's log

During the first leg of this voyage, his ship had separated from her companion vessel, Ocean, at Tristan da Cunha and by 15 August 1803 Woodriff noted in his log that the Calcutta was moored in Simon’s Bay near the Cape of Good Hope, having made the run from Rio in 24 days. His meticulous account brings into sharp focus the everyday activities on board, reminding us that a ship was a floating village and that crew members were versatile in their skills.

On 16 August, it was business as usual, the people ‘employed in watering and brooming. Carpenters building pens and stables for cattle. Sailors making bags for hay. Sail’d the mercht ship Thomas of London for Desolation* … Deserted John Brown and R Southey Seamen … Received fresh beef and bread.’

Evidently Woodriff ran a tight ship and didn’t flinch from maintaining discipline in the best naval tradition. His log entry for 21 August reveals that Brown, the seaman who had deserted, was promptly returned to the vessel having been apprehended by a party of soldiers whom Woodriff paid forty shillings for their trouble, the amount being charged against the deserter on the Ship’s Books. Further reprisals were visited on Burgess, a seaman, and a Marine named Woolley, who received 12 lashes each for neglect of duty.

At this point synchronicity comes into play.

'Received 6 Seamen being British subjects from the Johanna Magdalena ....'

Monday 22 August: ‘Moderate Breeze and clear. Employed receiving and pressing of hay and getting ready for Sea. … Died Mr Richard Wright, Master … Received 6 Seamen being British subjects from the Johanna Magdalena and procured the Wages due to them.’

One of these men was James Caithness. Robert Knopwood’s diary, written during the same voyage, also mentions the British volunteers who were taken on to Calcutta’s complement at Simon’s Bay. However, Woodriff provides an important additional detail - that these six seamen, including Caithness, had previously been on the Johanna Magdalena. This vessel was originally known as the Prince William Henry but had a change of name and flag when she was taken over by the Dutch. 

If James Caithness hadn’t been at Simon’s Bay while Calcutta was at anchor he would have missed out on an exciting adventure to Australia and a chance to sail round the world. On the other hand he wouldn’t have been among those captured on Calcutta in 1805 and sent to a French prison. The lives of Woodriff and Caithness were linked by Fate.

The useful reference to the ship Johanna Magdalena (aka Prince William Henry) in Woodriff’s log offers an avenue for further research into James Caithness’s career.

Simonstown: Then and Now

 * Possibly Kerguelen Islands in southern Indian Ocean.

Acknowledgement:
Tom Sheldon

Caithness and Napoleon 4

Retreat from Moscow 1812

By October 1812 Napoleon’s Grande Armee was beginning the retreat through a desolate wasteland after the Russian campaign, with huge losses occasioned by freezing weather conditions. By April 1814 Napoleon abdicated and a Bourbon, Louis XVIII, returned to the throne of France.

In May of that year, Napoleon was exiled to Elba but not for long: he escaped the following February and entered Paris. Events followed swiftly. Within three months the Battle of Waterloo took place, Louis XVIII was restored to the throne and Napoleon was exiled to the island of St Helena. He would remain there until his death in May 1821.

Napoleon on St Helena

James Caithness survived imprisonment and in the Spring of 1814 was recorded on the muster of HMS Salvador del Mundo. Originally a Spanish 112-gun first-rate ship of the line, the Salvador del Mundo had been captured by Nelson at the Battle of Cape Vincent in 1797. 

Victory raking the Salvador del Mundo, Battle of St Vincent 1797

She was commissioned into the Royal Navy as a receiving ship in 1803, stationed in the Hamoaze anchorage at Plymouth. Here her role was as an administrative centre where court martial and other proceedings were held. She would have taken on board men who were in transit from one ship until they were allocated to another.

The Hamaoze, Plymouth, where HMS Salvador del Mundo was stationed

In James’s case, he was one of several ex-HMS Calcutta men who were transferred after their release from French prison per the ship Vengeur to Salvador del Mundo. The long years of captivity were over.

James Caithness listed on muster of Salvador del Mundo:
'from French prison late Calcutta'

Acknowledgement:

Tom Sheldon for research at The National Archives UK

Caithness and Napoleon 3

James Caithness was one of an estimated 12 000 to 16 000 British prisoners-of-war held in Napoleonic France. Statistics vary, but the number was small when compared with the many thousands captured on the battlefields of Europe. The latter were subjected to extreme brutality and degradation, particularly the Spanish. Treatment of British prisoners was tempered by fear of reprisals on the other side of the Channel, where some 70 000 French prisoners were sitting out the war in England.

It seems obvious that there should have been a system for exchange of prisoners but Napoleon made his own rules and in any case things had changed since the mid-18^th c when an unwritten code of honourable conduct regarding captives was generally accepted. The French Revolution had swept away such norms.

There were some instances where British officers were exchanged for French prisoners of equal rank. Captain Woodriff of HMS Calcutta, imprisoned at Verdun, achieved his release in this way early in 1807. For the lower deck sailors and military rank and file there was no option but to survive as best they might or to risk the dangers of escape and possible recapture followed by rigorous punishment or death. Accounts of these daring and often repeated attempts are an astonishing testament to the indomitable human spirit.

The constant moving of captives from one fortress to another was a way of foiling plots to escape, preventing men becoming closely acquainted during lengthy stays. These forced marches were one of the worst aspects of the prisoners’ existence. Batches were escorted by gendarmes or soldiers, the men handcuffed in pairs or roped together. Overnight they would be locked in barns or disused buildings or the town gaols.

‘We walked always between 20 and 30 miles’ said one British prisoner ‘and on entering any town where we were to pass the night we were … called over (roll call or appel) … the same form of calling over took place again next morning.’

Midshipman O’Brien of the frigate Hussar, wrecked off the coast of Brittany in the early part of 1804, relates how he and the rest of his ship’s company were marched from Brest to Verdun, lodged in abominable hovels or underground dungeons in bitterly cold weather with a scanty supply of straw for bedding.

At some places when the convoy arrived at their destination for the night they were paraded in the market-place and made a spectacle for jeering townspeople. O’Brien mentions that at Rouen, in the gaol where the captive Hussar crew were confined, ‘French naval officers came to inspect our people and gave them some pieces of money to induce them to enter the French service … this was publicly done in the gaol-yard. We will take what money they choose to give us, sir, and that shall be all they will gain by coming here, said one volunteer.'

In January 1808, after Captain Woodriff’s release and return to England, he and his officers were acquitted at a court martial over the surrender of HMS Calcutta. Woodriff was praised for his gallant and courageous action which resulted in the convoy’s escape. Lieutenant Tuckey was a prisoner in France for almost nine years before he was released.

For James Caithness there would be no respite until 1814. Perhaps there were moments when he wished that all on board the Calcutta had fought to the death rather than endure the privations of imprisonment.

Caithness and Napoleon 2

James Caithness’s pension details show that there was no gap in his naval service, yet he drops out of sight for several years. This is because James was captured along with all those on board the Calcutta and for almost a decade was a prisoner-of-war in France.

He was in his twenties at the time of the battle in 1805 between the Magnanime and Calcutta. The prime of his life would be spent in exile behind bars: not until he was in his thirties would he be a free man again. His ‘crime’ was serving on a British warship which struck her colours and surrendered to the enemy. He was powerless to alter the course of these events. 

Their context takes us along a byway of history largely forgotten today, an era when Europe was held to ransom and tens of thousands of prisoners from various countries, including Britain, were marched from pillar to post, left languishing in fortress towns and dungeons or forced by deprivation and despair into renouncing their own nationalities and joining Napoleon’s army.

Most British subjects imprisoned, other than about 700 civilian detainees, were men of the Royal Navy and mercantile marine captured, like James, during action at sea, or when their ships were wrecked in French waters.

No evidence of precisely where James Caithness spent his years in captivity has come to light. In all likelihood he was taken initially to the distribution centre at Verdun, where Captain Woodriff and Lieut Tuckey were held for the duration of their captivity. James would later have been force-marched to one of the frontier depots such as Givet. We may never know the full details of his incarceration. However, a remarkable series of contemporary written accounts provide a vivid picture of the trials experienced by other prisoners and there is little doubt that James suffered similar hardships.

Bitche: The Citadel

Like many of them, he may have tried to escape only to be caught and sent to the penal depot at Bitche. Recapture after such attempts often meant death. The alternatives – being sentenced to the galleys of Toulon or confined for lengthy periods in subterranean cells – were perhaps worse. 

The experience of a British prisoner-of-war in France depended on his status. Officers – from colonels and naval post-captains down to midshipmen, warrant officers and merchant ship masters - were separated from their men and were allowed certain privileges, with some freedom of movement. Most of them remained at Verdun, which gradually became a British community. Gambling, racing, balls and the occasional duel enlivened the atmosphere. In time, these pursuits led to debt and general moral decline. Civilian detainees at Verdun were permitted to live in private homes and could avoid certain restrictions such as the daily appel or roll-call by payment of a fee. 

Verdun on the River Meuse

For the lower ranks in the depots on the north-east frontier it was a different story. They were subject to severe, overcrowded and insanitary conditions, often marched in all weathers, scantily clad and sometimes shoeless, for hundreds of miles between depots, and half-starved on a daily ration of a pound of bread and a meagre portion of vegetables. Numbers died en route. Men who were ill or unable to keep up with the line were left behind in rat-infested local gaols until, inexorably, they were pushed on to another grim destination.

Napoleon crossing the Alps, 1800:
The Glory Years

To be continued

Caithness and Napoleon 1

HMS Calcutta, with James Caithness on board, reached Spithead on 23 July 1804 after her round-the-world voyage. Before they left Australia Captain Woodriff had received news that the uneasy peace which had begun with the Treaty of Amiens in March 1801 was finally over and England was again at war with France. In September 1804 Calcutta was refitted by the Admiralty as a 56-gun fourth-rate and fully prepared to play her part in the struggle against Napoleon and his allies.

The British Fleet at Spithead  by John Ward

With Captain Woodriff in command, HMS Calcutta left St Helena on 3 August 1803, escorting a convoy of several assorted ships to England. There were three whalers, an East India Company ship from Madras, a Swedish ship and a British brig, Brothers, which had joined them after being separated from another convoy in a gale.

HMS Calcutta

South of the Scilly Isles, Calcutta’s mast-head lookouts observed unknown sail in the distance and Woodriff positioned the Calcutta between the convoy and the approaching ships. These turned out to be French and Calcutta went to intercept, having signalled to the convoy to make sail and get away. 

The first ship encountered was the 40-gun frigate Armide and after an engagement Calcutta successfully drew the enemy southwards, distracting them from the convoy, though the Brothers, an older and slower vessel, was captured.

Le Magnanime by Antoine Roux

The rest of the French squadron under Allemand was now in the area and Woodriff brought Calcutta alongside the 74-gun Magnanime. After nearly an hour of fierce battle, during which Calcutta was disabled by damage to her rigging, Woodriff surrendered rather than sacrifice the lives of his 350-man crew. His ploy had worked. The convoy had escaped but the price paid would be heavy: Calcutta was taken by the French as a prize, and Captain Woodriff and all his people were forthwith made prisoners-of-war.

Among them was James Caithness.

Embroidered bee:
Napoleon's Coronation Mantle*

* The Napoleonic icon contains bees, which appealed to Napoleon as symbols of industry and was an image apparently popular during the Merovingian dynasty of the sixth to eight centuries A.D.; Napoleon may have favored the resonance between 'bee' and 'Bonaparte' while also savoring the irony that the image of the insect seemed to some to be a Bourbon fleur-de-lys turned upside down.  


Acknowledgement:
Tom Sheldon

A colony established and Calcutta returns home

It rapidly became clear that the location chosen for the settlement was not ideal.

One of the main difficulties was the scarcity of fresh water. A survey of the area was made and the unfavourable report soon prompted Collins and the other members of the expedition to consider abandoning the place in favour of ‘a more eligible situation’, either to Port Dalrymple on the north side of Van Diemen’s Land or to the river Derwent on the south coast of the same island where a small party from Port Jackson was already established.

The crew of the HMS Calcutta, including James Caithness, were meanwhile busily employed collecting ship-timber to be taken back to England. This is a reminder that war against Napoleon was about to erupt once more and every British ship afloat would need to be fit for action, so Calcutta’s task was of great importance and Captain Woodriff was well aware that speed was of the essence.

It was finally decided to move the infant colony to the Derwent and this was partly accomplished before the Calcutta sailed on 18 December. The name Hobart was given to the new settlement.

Mount Nelson near Hobart

HMS Calcutta took on timber at Port Jackson and sailed again on 17 March 1804, passing south of New Zealand which was sighted on 29 March. 

Sydney Cove, Port Jackson, where Calcutta loaded 600 logs destined
for England's shipyards

Calcutta doubled Cape Horn on 27 April, arriving at Rio de Janeiro 22 May, thus, as Tuckey pointed out, ‘accomplishing a voyage round the world, discharging and receiving a cargo, in eleven months’. He reports:

The remainder of the Calcutta's voyage was almost totally barren of incident, either to amuse or instruct. In the long navigation between New Zealand and Cape Horn, scarce a single incident occurred either to interest the seaman, or the naturalist.Throughout this navigation, the wind seldom deviated to the northward of N. W. or to the southward of S. W. with strong gales, which enabled us to make an average of one hundred and eighty miles a-day for twenty nine days.

At Rio de Janeiro they took on water and all on board must have echoed Tuckey’s fervently-expressed wish to ‘see the shores which custom and reason bid us hail as the happiest of our globe’: in short, they sailed for home on 1 June. The end of one chapter for James Caithness and further adventures awaited him in the next.

Panorama: Greater Hobart

HMS Calcutta: voyage to Australia 1803

Ships off Table Bay

After leaving the Cape on board HMS Calcutta James Caithness would have been able to do some whale-watching – perhaps his first opportunity. 

Lieutenant Tuckey remarked:

In these southern seas, we were continually surrounded by whales, and were even sometimes obliged to alter our course to avoid striking on them.

The stormy seas which wash the southern promontory of Africa … are despised by the British seaman, whose vessel flies in security before the tempest, and while she rides on the billows and defies the storm, he carelessly sings as if unconscious of the warring elements around him.

Despite this boast, the effects of the wet and cold weather soon made themselves felt especially among the convicts who lacked sufficient clothing. Jackets and trousers were made up and distributed to those in need. Some cases of dysentery were reported but due to the surgeon’s care and the attention to cleanliness, only one man died. The animals taken on board at Simon’s Bay were less fortunate, three heifers dying at sea.

The tedium of the following weeks was occasionally enlivened by performances from the African American violinist William Thomas. 

To say the remainder of the voyage was plain sailing would be to ignore the fact that it took Calcutta until 10 October to arrive at King Island in the entrance of the Bass Straits (she had departed Simon’s Bay on 25 August). The lookouts aloft had been anxiously scanning the horizon for land for two days before the island was sighted and then because of an increasing breeze the ship had to stand three miles off shore.

Off the coast of New Holland

A ‘perfect hurricane’ commenced to blow, but had spent itself by the following morning, the day dawning beautifully serene. It was a totally unknown coast and Calcutta approached cautiously till the break in the land forming the entrance of Port Phillip was observed. 

A shout from the man at the mast-head alerted all to a ship at anchor within this entrance, soon identified as the Ocean, the companion vessel from which Calcutta had parted at Tristan da Cunha many weeks before. This was a welcome and cheering sight after so long at sea. Lieutenant Tuckey was unable to refrain from another fanciful passage of prose:

... an expanse of water ... unruffled as the bosom of unpolluted innocence, presented itself to the charmed eye, which roamed over it in silent admiration.The nearer shores … afforded the most exquisite scenery, and recalled the idea of ‘Nature in the world's first spring.’ In short, every circumstance combined to impress our minds with the highest satisfaction for our safe arrival.

After a week spent searching for a suitable spot for the settlement, it was decided to land the marines and convicts on the shores of a small bay eight miles from the harbour mouth. Camp was pitched and the crews of the two ships began unloading cargo. 

Lieut Col David Collins, leader of the expedition;
 Lieut Gov of Van Diemen's Land

On the first days of our landing, previous to the general debarkation,Capt. Woodriff, Colonel Collins and the First Lieutenant of the Calcutta had some interviews with the natives who came to the boats entirely unarmed, and without the smallest symptom of apprehension.

So far so good.

Scrimshaw on whale tooth

Caithness at the Cape 1803

Simon's Bay, Cape of Good Hope

Among the duties with which James Caithness would have assisted on joining the crew of HMS Calcutta at Simon’s Bay was loading five cows, one bull, and twelve sheep destined for the new settlement at Port Phillip. Fresh provisions including bread and beef for the ship's company were also taken on and the vital water casks filled for the next lengthy leg of the voyage. The weather continued moderate and fair but the political climate was less than salubrious.

Captain Daniel Woodriff, portrait,
National Library of Australia

The Dutch demanded the surrender of Calcutta and her contents. Captain Woodriff, not easily intimidated, prepared his ship for a fight. With the men standing to their guns Woodriff suggested that the Dutch ‘come and take her if they can’. 

Opinion on shore swiftly veered in favour of allowing the Calcutta to remain for 24 hours before departing the bay and removing the shipload of convicts from the vicinity.

Lieutenant James Hingston Tuckey of the Royal Navy, who accompanied the expedition, has left us an account of the voyage of HMS Calcutta. For an explorer and geographer he seems to have taken rather more than a scientific interest in the female population of the places visited en route and his descriptions of scenic beauties are equally fulsome, punctuated by poetic extracts. However, he gives us a glimpse of the Cape as James Caithness saw it at the time, though whether James had leisure to walk through the streets of Cape Town, as Tuckey evidently did, is doubtful.

Cape Town is one of the handsomest colonial towns in the world; the streets, which are wide and perfectly straight, are kept in the highest order, and planted with rows of oaks and firs. The houses are built in a stile of very superior elegance, and inside are in the cleanest and most regular order. They are not, however, sufficiently ventilated, to dissipate the stale fume of tobacco, which is peculiarly offensive to a stranger.

Shipping off Table Bay, Cape of Good Hope

Simmon's Town [sic] is situated on a small bay of that name, and contains about one hundred and fifty well-built houses; the inhabitants chiefly subsist by supplying ships with refreshments, during the months they are unable to lay in Table Bay. The English built a small block-house, with a battery enbarbet, to the eastward of the town. 

 A detachment of three hundred troops are stationed at Simmon's Town, who would in the event of an enemy's landing, retreat to Cape Town, which is garrisoned by three thousand troops, chiefly Swiss, particularly the regiment of Waldeck, which having served under the English banner in the American war, remembers with partiality the food and pay of its old masters, both of which, in the Dutch service, are wretched enough. 

The Dutch government is endeavouring …by the strictest economy to make the colony pay its expences. These measures are exceedingly unpopular, and have already caused upwards of one hundred real or fictitious bankruptcies. Hence the partiality with which the English are viewed here. Their return is openly wished for, even by those who were formerly their greatest foes. In fact, the Dutch government at the Cape, as well as at home, is entirely under French influence; and it is probable that in the boundless ambition of the Corsican usurper, he considers the Cape of Good Hope as one of the steps by which he intends to mount the Asiatic thrones.

Napoleon I
cameo by Nicola Morelli (1771-1838)

Tuckey compares the Cape unfavourably with Rio de Janeiro, where ‘the lofty spires of innumerable churches arise in every point of view’ while ‘at the Cape of Good Hope, two churches and two clergymen are enough for the inhabitants, and at Simmon's Town there is no trace of the peculiar appropriation of the sabbath to religious duties; all here are employed in making money’.*

Presumably, then, with the unfriendliness of the Dutch an additional irritation, Tuckey and all on board Calcutta were pleased to make sail on 25 August, trusting to a fine breeze from the N.W. for a speedy passage to the coast of New Holland. James Caithness was about to get his first view of Terra Australis.MCa

  

* A Voyage to Establish a Colony at Port Phillip in Bass's Strait On the South Coast of New South Wales, in His Majesty's Ship Calcutta, in the Years 1802-3-4: Tuckey, James Hingston (1776-1816)

Caithness and HMS Calcutta 1803 at the Cape

Action at sea: French Revolutionary Wars by Louis Philippe Crepin

In August 1803 James Caithness joined HMS Calcutta and a new chapter opened in his career. He was about to visit Australia and circumnavigate the world, an adventure beyond his wildest dreams.

Calcutta was an ex-East Indiaman bought by the navy in 1795, converted into a 56-gun fourth rate and used as an armed transport with the famous Captain Bligh in command. By the end of 1802 the ship had been refitted to carry convicts to New South Wales, under Captain Daniel Woodriff. She sailed from Spithead on 28 April 1803, in company with another vessel, Ocean, with 308 convicts as well as civil personnel, a detachment of marines and a crew of 150. The intention was to found a settlement.

Calcutta arrived at Rio de Janeiro on 19 July and the Cape of Good Hope on 13 August, 1803. Remarkably, a contemporary diary by Robert Knopwood reveals that HMS Calcutta, being short of crew, took on seven men at Simon’s Bay (Simonstown, Cape) on 16 August.*Musters for the vessel confirm

that James Caithness was one of the seven added to the complement.

Page from Knopwood diary: 'HM Ship Calcutta at Anchor in Simon's Bay ... 13 (August)
at 9 Saluted the Battery with 11 Guns which was returned ... found an English whaler and two ships riding in the Bay under Dutch colours** ... 16  AM Received 842 lb of fresh beef and 400 lb of soft bread. 
Received 7 British Seamen/Volunteers ...'

James Caithness listed on muster of HMS Calcutta 1803

Further research should establish when he was discharged from HMS Mars and give a clue as to why he turned up at Simon’s Bay in August 1803.

 

Map of the Colony of Good Hope, c 1800

Interestingly, HMS Mars, after refitting at the Hamoaze anchorage, Plymouth, at the end of February 1803, was involved in the fruitless pursuit of some foreign ships supposedly headed for the Cape of Good Hope under the Dutch Admiral de Winter.

*  The diary of the Reverend Robert Knopwood, 1803-1838 : first chaplain of Van Diemen's Land edited by Mary Nicholls

** By the Treaty of Amiens 1802 between England and France, the Cape Colony was returned to the Netherlands and came under the rule of the Batavian Republic from February 1803 to 1806 when the 2^nd British Occupation of the Cape commenced. It’s likely that the presence of Dutch ships at Simon’s Bay came as a surprise to those on board HMS Calcutta.

Acknowledgement:

Tom Sheldon