Francis Farewell (1793 - 1829) and the first white settlement at Port Natal
By 1828, an overland route
between the Cape Colony
and Natal was
beginning to provide an alternative to the arduous and frequently disastrous
sea voyage. It was this virtually unknown trail that was chosen by a small
party of travellers who set out from the Cape
for Port Natal in September 1829. Leader of the venture was Lieutenant Francis
George Farewell, returning, after a short stay in the Colony, to the trading
settlement at Natal .
He was accompanied by Walker (a naturalist), Thackwray (an 1820 settler) and a
number of servants. John Cane, also on his way back to the Port, joined
Farewell's group, and the expedition proceeded without mishap until the area of
the Umzimvubu river was reached.
Here, Farewell decided to
visit Nqeto, chief of the Qwabe, who had fled southwards from the Zulu kingdom
after rebelling against Shaka's successor, Dingane. With Lynx the interpreter,
Thackwray, Walker and some servants, Farewell went to Nqeto's kraal, leaving
John Cane to guard the wagons.
The chief ‘received them
with apparent kindness, ordering a beeve to be slaughtered for their use, and
gave them various other tokens of friendship. Scarcely, however, had
night-shade fallen, before his mien altered ... for both words and actions then
assumed an air of hostility ... Messrs Thackwray and Walker now became
considerably uneasy, but Mr Farewell was still unwilling to believe that their
host would venture to do them any personal injury. Their fears being somewhat
quieted … they laid down to sleep, and all remained tranquil until dawn of day
the following morning. Their tent was then suddenly surrounded, and all three
horribly massacred, together with five of their native servants ...’
John Cane was fortunate to
escape a similar end. The Qwabe went on the rampage, plundering the travellers'
wagons and causing widespread alarm among other tribes in the area.
Various reasons for Nqeto's
treacherous behaviour are given by Henry Francis Fynn and Nathaniel Isaacs; the
chief himself later swore that the murders had been committed without his
knowledge by some of his warriors. The question of motive has, with time,
diminished in significance, leaving the stark fact that this violent deed
deprived Natal
of her prime mover, the man upon whose energy and tenacity of purpose the
settlement was founded.
ORIGINS
That such an untimely and
savage death awaited him in a strange land was no doubt far from Francis
Farewell's mind as he embarked on a promising career in the British navy at the
age of sixteen. Until he took this important step in 1807, his life had been in
no way remarkable. As the second son of the Reverend Samuel Farewell of
Wincanton, Somerset ,
he had received an average grammar school education, and he might have settled
for a quiet, clerical occupation had not the war with the French, with its
prospect of excitement and adventure for a young man, enticed him away from his
books.
His name first appears in
the Admiralty Records on 4 November 1807 as First Class Volunteer in the
Amphion. If it was excitement he wanted, he certainly found just that during
his four years of service with this vessel, under the command of Sir William
Hoste. In February 1808, the Amphion was one of a convoy of sixty sail which
joined the Fleet near Lisbon .
She narrowly escaped disaster when, in a severe storm, the main top gallant
mast was struck by lightning, and fire broke out on board. In May of the same
year the vessel was cruising off Toulon ,
where she was involved in a heavy engagement with the shore batteries, as well
as with an enemy frigate. After capturing a prize worth Ł20 000 in October, the
Amphion added to her credit 38 French merchantmen, sinking six others. She
prowled the enemy coastline, taking ships, convoys of supplies, and destroying
batteries and castles on shore in one victory after another, until by November
1809 she had sunk and captured over two hundred French vessels.
With the Amphion, Farewell
took part in the famous Battle of Lissa, when his ship successfully captured
two frigates, and for a time Hoste placed him in charge of the Island of Lipa ,
a strategic point in the Adriatic . He was
learning, in a hard school, to develop the courage, resourcefulness and
endurance which were to stand him in good stead in his later role as pioneer of
Natal .
He did not emerge from all
this action entirely unscathed, being wounded in several operations, but he
remained apparently undeterred and when the Amphion, finally exhausted after
her glorious deeds, was put out of commission in 1811, he was transferred, with
promotion, to the Thisbe and then to the Bacchante. Farewell continued to
survive this dangerous existence, moving up the naval ladder through the rank
of Master's Mate to that of Lieutenant in 1815.
Then came the end of the
Napoleonic Wars. It was an older and possibly somewhat bitter Farewell who,
like hundreds of his countrymen, was turned adrift on half-pay. For the next
few years his wanderings took him to India ,
Mauritius and the Seychelles .
None of the mercantile transactions into which he entered during this period
was very successful, and it was not until 1820 that his life took a new and
definite direction.
TO THE CAPE
In this year he was
'managing owner' of a vessel of 261 tons, the Frances Charlotte, which was
engaged in trading pursuits from her home port of Bengal .
Fortune brought Farewell to the Cape of Good Hope ,
and here he lingered. No doubt he was influenced in this decision to stay by
Miss Elizabeth Catherina Schmidt, the step-daughter of a Cape Town merchant, John Lodewyk Petersen.
They were married by special licence on 17 August 1822.
Shortly after this
auspicious event, three vessels left the Colony to carry out a government
survey expedition along the south-eastern coast: they were the Leven, commanded
by Captain William Owen, the Barracouta and the Cockburn. Several important
areas were charted during this voyage, including Cape St. Lucia .
Another vessel from Cape Town ,
the Orange Grove, had meanwhile commenced explorations on her own - mainly to
ascertain trading possibilities - and she met up with the Government
expedition. Malaria took a heavy toll among the crews of the four ships, and in
April 1823 they returned to the Cape .
The travellers' fascinating
stories and the cargo of ivory and ambergris brought back on the Orange Grove,
stirred up a great deal of interest, particularly among the merchant community.
As much intrigued as anyone else was Francis Farewell, who was on the lookout
for new opportunities. During his months at the Cape, Farewell had used his
fast-dwindling capital to charter the Salisbury ,
a brig commanded by James Saunders King, and the two men had become firm
friends on trading trips to West Indian ports.
With the financial support
of John R Thompson, Farewell and King joined forces in preparing for an
expedition up the coast. Farewell was convinced that the source of the ivory
which found its way to the Portuguese traders at Delagoa
Bay was the domain of Shaka, King of the Zulus, and the object of
the journey was to establish a trade link with this powerful ruler. After
chartering the Salisbury and the Julia,
Farewell, Thompson and King left Cape
Town in June 1823.
At St. Lucia Bay ,
where they intended to go ashore and make contact with the Zulus in the interior,
misfortune struck in the shape of bad weather, which prevented a successful
landing. Both Farewell and Thompson were nearly drowned when the boats
overturned in the surf. The Salisbury
and the Julia, forced to put to sea, left behind several sailors who had
managed to swim to the beach. It was five weeks before the wind abated
sufficiently to enable the vessels to pick up the stranded men, and by that
time the notion of landing at St.
Lucia had been abandoned.
Characteristically, Farewell
was not to be daunted in his purpose, and after replenishing supplies at Algoa Bay ,
the expedition set out again, seeking a more suitable port. After they had
sailed along the coast for some time, the weather once more turned against
them. In the face of a gale they took refuge at the Bay of Natal ,
risking the sandbar across the entrance channel and arriving safely within the
harbour. It was a chance landing that was to have momentous repercussions.
PORT NATAL
During their short stay,
while King charted the Bay and communication was made with local natives, the
significance of the port gradually dawned upon Farewell. Although there were
few inhabitants in the immediate vicinity, the Zulus were not far away and
might be persuaded to trade at Natal
instead of Delagoa. The idea of forming a trading settlement was born, and on
the expedition's return to Cape Town
in December 1823, Farewell lost no time in furthering his new plans.
‘Before he had been a month
in Cape Town, he had so represented the great advantages to be derived from a
trade in ivory by way of the port ... that he induced his father-in-law, Mr
Petersen, and another Dutch gentleman of the name of Hofffman to join him in
partnership.’
It was not long before Henry
Francis Fynn allowed himself to be persuaded by Farewell's assurance that ‘immense
profits would be derived from the speculation.’ Preparations went forward
rapidly: the Antelope and the Julia were chartered, a great variety of articles
for native trade and gifts for Shaka were purchased, and several volunteers
joined in the project, inspired by Farewell's enthusiasm. Government sanction
was necessary, and Farewell approached Lord Charles Somerset, Governor of the
Colony, hoping for his support:
‘Towards the conclusion of
my last voyage, we found a port, where a small vessel can lie perfectly secure;
I am therefore to venture another trial, hoping that by making some stay there
we may get the natives to bring their produce to exchange for our goods; which
in time might lead to important advantages. My intentions are to keep a vessel
lying constantly in port, and to have a small party on shore to communicate
with the natives, and carry on the trade.’
Farewell sent Fynn on ahead
with the Julia to Natal , while he wrestled with
the remaining business - and his co-partners - in Cape Town . Eventually he followed in the
Antelope with, among others, Petersen and Josias Hoffman and son. They landed
at Natal in
July 1824, some six weeks after the Julia. Fynn was not there to welcome them -
he had already gone in search of Shaka. Farewell sent messengers after him and
while awaiting Fynn's return, the Antelope's party offloaded her cargo and made
camp.
The native inhabitants of
the area intrigued Farewell. These were remnants of the Tuli people, who had
been scattered by Shaka's warriors, dispossessed of land and cattle, and
reduced to a meagre existence on the south-western shores of the Bay. In this ‘most
wretched set of beings’, as he described them, Farewell saw for the first time
the drastic consequences of disobedience to the Zulu king.
He was soon to meet Shaka
himself, for Fynn hastened back to the Port, and a few days later Farewell,
Petersen and Fynn, with an interpreter and three Hottentots, set off for the
royal residence. Escorting the small group was Shaka's chief induna, Mbikwana,
with a hundred of his men who carried the king's presents. This unusual caravan
proceeded slowly through the bushy country - halting on the way for Farewell to
search (unsuccessfully) for gold in the Umgeni River - and accompanied by the
imprecations of Mr Petersen, who was over sixty, bad-tempered and corpulent and
found the terrain too much for him. He accused his son-in-law of intending to
kill him by bringing him to this barbarous place, but the prospect of the ivory
ahead encouraged him to persevere.
Farewell's first visit to
the king was brief, but memorable. He had chosen Shaka's presents wisely in Cape Town - woollen
blankets, a quantity of brass and copper, pigeons, cats, dogs, a pig, and a
full-dress military coat decorated with gold lace. Shaka was more than
satisfied and presented Farewell with some elephant tusks before the latter's
return to the Bay.
By now, Farewell was
increasingly confident of success, and could see his dream of a trading
settlement slowly becoming a reality. He returned to the royal capital in
August, and a deed was drawn up ceding about three thousand five hundred square
miles of land at Port Natal to ‘F G Farewell and Company.’ On 27 August, the
British flag was hoisted at the Bay with much ceremony, marking the acquisition
of the territory, and Farewell immediately wrote to Somerset. Despite his
enthusiastic description of Natal
as ideal for settlement and commerce, however, the grant was never ratified.
When the Julia left the Bay
on 7 September 1824, she carried not only Farewell's letter to Somerset , but nine of the party as well.
Later this vessel made a return trip to Natal ,
and took a further eleven of the original group of adventurers back with her.
(They should have shared Farewell's optimism and remained at the Bay,
inhospitable as it was, for during this journey the Julia sank with all on
board.)
Reduced to a skeleton, the
settlement still clung to the shores of the Port. Without financial resources
or Government backing little could be achieved. The small group of men
continued hunting and trading in the vicinity, with Shaka's permission.
Farewell made regular visits to the king, taking pains to please him, and
supplying him with medicines and other items. He realized that the defenceless
establishment at the Bay depended for its survival on the capricious whim of
the Zulu monarch, and he was under no illusions as to Shaka's character. ‘History
perhaps does not furnish an instance of a more despotic and cruel monster ...’ wrote
Farewell. But Shaka was fairly well-disposed to the subjects of the King of
England, and it was largely due to Farewell's efforts that the settlers held a
strangely privileged position, regarded by the Zulus as being under their
ruler's protection.
The year 1825 brought
unexpected additional strength to the settlement when, in September, James
Saunders King arrived in the Mary, bringing with him Nathaniel Isaac and the
boy John Ross. Though the Mary encountered heavy seas at the Bay and was
totally wrecked, all on board were saved, and Farewell returned from one of his
trips to the interior for a joyous reunion with his friend King. The two
immediately started to plan a new partnership, and in order to raise the
necessary capital, King returned to the Cape
in April 1826. With him he took a letter from Farewell, addressed to himself,
which pointed out Natal 's
possibilities and which it was hoped would enable King to obtain financial
assistance.
Nathaniel Isaacs, who
remained at the Port, watched the activities of the settlement with avid
interest. He was amazed at the 'singular appearance' of Farewell's
house, which 'was not unlike an ordinary barn made of wattle, and
plastered with clay, without windows, and with only one door composed of reeds.
It had a thatched roof, but otherwise was not remarkable either for the
elegance of its structure, or the capacity of its interior.' This was only a temporary dwelling: work was beginning on a more permanent
building, to be called Fort
Farewell . 'To the
house, which is to consist of one floor ... will be attached a store. A mud
fort had been commenced, at each angle designed to mount three 12-pound
carronades ... In front of the Fort, a square piece of ground had been fenced
in, intended for a garden ...'
King arrived back at Natal in October 1826,
accompanied by Elizabeth Farewell, who was determined to join her husband at
this settlement which had divided them for so long. She must have been of stern
stuff to withstand the primitive conditions which greeted her.
At about this time the other
settlers began to notice a deterioration in the friendship between Farewell and
King, for what Isaacs calls 'pecuniary' reasons. The truth behind
this regrettable dispute remains vague, but the quarrel grew out of all
proportion, destroying the harmony that had existed previously at the Port, and
ending in such enmity that when King lay dying in September 1828, Farewell
would not visit him. Even at the outset, the ill-feeling caused a clash of
interests and a rift in the group which hindered progress.
Work continued, however, on
the Fort and also on the building of a schooner, the Elizabeth and Susan, which
was launched in March 1828. A month later she left for the Cape ,
with Farewell and his wife, James King and Nathaniel Isaacs on board. The
vessel's first voyage was highly unsuccessful, for two Zulu emissaries, sent by
Shaka to take his greetings to King George, were subjected to numerous
indignities by Government officials at Algoa Bay ,
who thought the Zulus might be spies. This unfortunate occurrence undid all the
efforts of Farewell and the others to retain the friendship of Shaka, and from
then onwards the Zulu king's attitude towards the settlers altered
considerably. The failure of the mission was a personal blow to King, who
shortly after his return to Natal
fell ill and never recovered.
His death was followed
within a few months by the murder of Shaka, and the succession to the Zulu
throne of Dingane. In the midst of these unsettling events, Farewell left Natal once more on the
Elizabeth and Susan. It was her last voyage: at Algoa Bay
the ship was impounded by the authorities, because she was not officially
registered.
The unexpected fate - caused
by unjustifiably harsh officialdom - of the vessel which had taken so much time
and effort to construct would have made a lesser man than Farewell give up in
despair. He, however, travelled to Cape Town ,
arriving in time for the birth of his son, and after a short sojourn in the
Colony, determined on opening up an overland communication with Natal . Still convinced
that there was a future in the Port, he again went through the process of
finding the capital to back this new venture, and set out with Thackwray and
Walker in September 1829 on the journey that was to end so tragically a few
weeks later at Nqeto's kraal.
Though Fort
Farewell crumbled slowly to ruin, and
its builder died without seeing his hopes come to fruition, the way had been
paved for Natal 's
future. Farewell is to be remembered for his ‘resistless spirit of opposition’
in the face of heavy odds - lack of means, an indifferent and uncooperative
government, and a primitive territory fraught with danger. Often difficult and
autocratic, which earned him criticism, his optimism was boundless. Even
Nathaniel Isaacs, who never forgave him for his treatment of King, mourned the
loss of the man whose efforts had opened up Natal , and who was resolute to a fault.’
Rosemary Dixon-Smith
Sources:
Isaacs, N: Travels and
Adventures in Eastern Africa p 170
Fynn, H F: The Diary of
Henry Francis Fynn p 56
Chase, J C: The Natal Papers p 16, F G
Farewell to Lord Charles Somerset, 1.5.1824
2 comments:
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